United Nations Economic and Social Council
Commission on Human Rights
Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and protection of Minorities
Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery
23rd Session

Geneva, May 1998

Slavery in Brazil

At the 17th Session of the Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery, in 1992, Anti-Slavery International first told the Working Group that it was receiving numerous reports of forced labour and debt bondage among workers in the Amazon region of Brazil. At that same session, the representative of Brazil explained that such problems stemmed from social and economic conditions and the agrarian structure, and that an agrarian reform programme, which had just been launched, would lead to structural changes which would address the causes of slavery. In 1994, we drew the Working Group¹s attention to a 150-page report (Slavery in Brazil: A link in the Chain of Modernisation) issued by Anti-Slavery International, describing a pattern of slavery which had been going on for more than 10 years.

In 1995 Brazil's President Fernando Henrique Cardoso publicly confirmed that Brazil had a serious pattern of slavery and announced a series of measures to combat the problem. Three years later, we want to brief the Working Group on what has been achieved and what remains to be done.
 

First, we want to remind you what the abuses denounced by President Cardoso consist of. Slave labour is characterised by the exercise of physical control over the worker. The main mechanisms of enslavement in Brazil are debt bondage ­ the incarceration of workers on estates until they can pay off debts, in the knowledge that these are unlikely to be repaid - combined with a threat of violence against those who try to escape. In a country where 20 per cent of the population live in absolute poverty, workers from areas hit by recession or drought are enticed into accepting verbal contracts on the basis of fraudulent promises of well paid work. They are then loaded into trucks, and transported thousands of miles, to work on estates in isolated parts of Pará and other Amazonian states.

The recruitment is done by a gato (literally "cat"), the name by which the intermediary who organises the recruitment of workers is known. The debts are incurred by making workers pay for all costs involved in transporting them to the estates, a charge about which the workers are not given prior information. They are not informed that they will not receive cash-in-hand as wages (in contravention of labour laws); nor that the cost of tools will be docked from their pay; nor about the inflated prices charged for food at the store on the estate, the only place they can buy anything. Housing conditions can only be described as inhuman, with rent deducted from their wages. Armed guards surround the work sites and accommodation areas, and workers' identity papers and other official documents are confiscated illegally. As time passes, and as the workers' debts increase, they realise they are in effect prisoners, who can be held as long as their labour is needed.

It is difficult to estimate the number of slave labourers involved. In 1995 some 26,000 cases were reported to Brazil's Pastoral Land Commission. The following year the number reported was down to 2,487. However, cases are only counted in these statistics if information becomes available - usually if a worker escapes and dares to alert the authorities or non-governmental organisations.

Let me describe some of the cases which have come up over the past year.

In August 1997 a young boy named Sebastião fled from Flor da Mata estate in Pará state belonging to Luiz Pereira Martins, an owner of several other estates, who had previously been investigated and denounced by the authorities for practising slave labour. Sebastião guided a special inspection team and federal police agents to the estate, where 220 enslaved workers were rescued, among them 30 minors and 15 women. Several months later, the government announced that Flor da Mata was to be compulsorily purchased, to punish the owner for allowing slave labour to be used on his land. In Portuguese this process is known as "desapropriação", which sounds like the English term "expropriation". However, in practice Brazilian land owners who are "disappropriated", usually for purposes of land reform, are paid the going market rate for their land.

In September 1997 the police at Goianésia, Pará, were anonymously informed that the remains of dead bodies had been disposed of in eight wells on an estate. Following a police search decomposing remains, believed to be those of slave workers, were discovered. Other traces of the practice of slave labour were found in the estate. The former owner of the estate is the main suspect of the crimes and was officially accused of murder by the police.

In March 1998, rural workers contacted the Pastoral Land Commission to report the existence of slave labour in the state of Minas Gerais. Out of an initial group of 46 workers, 20 had already managed to leave the estate where they had been guarded by gunmen but 26 others were reportedly being forced to stay because of their unpaid debts.

Government Initiatives Against Slavery

Next, I want to summarise the main steps taken against slavery by the authorities since 1995. In 1995 President Cardoso created an inter-ministerial task force known as GERTRAF - the Executive Group for the Repression of Forced Labour. The President also announced that the government would not provide any more loans, subsidies, or rollover of outstanding debts to farms or companies found to employ forced labour and that they would be ineligible to bid for public contracts. Within this new framework the Ministry of Labour's Secretariat for Labour and Co-ordination of Land Inspection (SEFIT) set up a mobile team to carry out inspections wherever slavery was reported in the country. It is thus a centrally-based investigation team, led by a senior procurator in the Ministry of Labour. An important development is the use of federal law enforcement officers for inspections, which prevents landowners from relying on their links with local police and local labour inspectors in order to get advance warning of inspections.

In 1996 and 1997 the mobile team was very active in the southern part of Pará state. In 1997 the team made five inspections or "raids" and identified a total of 455 workers being held as slaves in this area alone. The owners and the managers of the estates concerned have subsequently been charged with using slave labour. The estate on which the largest number of enslaved workers was found was Flor da Mata.

The SEFIT mobile team has undoubtedly been a success and deserves praise. However, the very need for its existence - a central inspection team, which is above any corruption at local and state level - indicates that serious problems remain to be tackled. Furthermore, it is clearly very difficult for a team operating out of the capital to be deployed anywhere in the territory of a country as vast as Brazil, and particularly without its deployment being known about in advance.

Despite its success, this initiative has been the subject of criticism in Brazil. Elected politicians proposed severe cuts in its budget last December, and a number of deputies regarded as supporters of land-owning interests have made personal attacks on the Ministry of Labour official who leads the team.

The mobile team has been successful in uncovering cases of slave labour and bringing about the release of those concerned. However, further down the line, the institutions of the State have been much less effective in carrying out prosecutions for those responsible for slavery.
For example, in 1984 four victims of slave labour in the Vale Cristalino estate in Santana do Araguaia (at that time the property of the Volkswagen company), started a legal process in the Labour Court, with the help of lawyers from the Pastoral Land Commission. Although they lost in the first instance, they won in the Tribunal of Justice of Belém in 1986. After a 14 years' struggle, in July 1997, the estate was finally auctioned and the enslaved men received compensation

In other cases, the authorities have been so slow in prosecuting those responsible for slavery, that the time limit allowed for a prosecution of this sort has been surpassed and the prosecution has had to be abandoned. In other cases, fines have been imposed but not paid. It seems that the SEFIT mobile team operating in Pará state last year repeatedly sought information about whether fines imposed in the past had been paid, but no information was forthcoming.

The next initiative concerns changes in the law. On Brazil's National Day, last September, President Cardoso announced draft legislation aimed at protecting human rights. One of the proposed bills was intended to prevent slave labour and to punish those who exploit slave labourers. While the President¹s initiative appears a positive one, in line with his personal denunciation of slavery in 1995, on closer inspection the Bill makes no explicit reference to either slave labour or forced labour. It simply proposes amendments to three articles of Brazil¹s existing Penal Code. One amendment would make it a punishable offence to prevent someone from leaving their job, whether by coercion or holding onto their identity documents. Another amendment introduces the idea of bonded labour, which, as previously mentioned, is frequently used in isolated estates, by making it a punishable offence to pressure a worker to use a store run by the estate, where they run up debts and thus become bonded.

What the Bill does not provide for, however, is substantial extra punishment for those who exploit slave or bonded labour. In particular, it does not provide for the confiscation of estates where slave labour is discovered, and consequently, it does not provide for a form of punishment of landowners who ultimately profit from slave labour - even if they never have direct contact with the workers concerned. For this reason, Anti-Slavery International has criticised the bill, arguing that it is not dissuasive enough. President Cardoso's Bill was approved by the Lower Chamber of the National Congress last December and is awaiting ratification in the Senate. It will leave intact the system of sub-contracting which allows landowners to claim ignorance about human rights violations committed on their lands.

Since the 17th Session of the Working Group, when Anti-Slavery's representative first expressed concern about the inadequacy of the monitoring by labour inspectors in rural areas of Brazil, it is clear that the Brazilian Government has introduced some new measures to tackle slave labour in Brazil. These are positive measures. However, Anti-Slavery International is concerned that there still appears to be a lack of political will on the part of the government to do all that it is necessary to end the problem of slave labour in Brazil. We hope that the Working Group will encourage the Brazilian Government to take more effective measures and, above all, ensure that those responsible for employing slave labour and profiting from it are prosecuted.