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Mr Chairman,
I speak on behalf of Anti-Slavery International, which monitors
the situation in Mauritania very closely. We are anxious to communicate
to the Sub-Commission precise, recent information on the persistence
of slavery in Mauritania and the repression of anti-slavery activists.
I myself am an external representative of the Mauritanian association
SOS-Esclaves (SOS-Slaves).
At the beginning of this year, after French television broadcast
an interview with the chairman of our association, who described
the current state of affairs in relation to slavery in Mauritania,
four leaders of non-governmental human rights organisations were
arrested on 17 January 1998. After three months in custody in Nouakchott
prison alongside common-law criminals, the accused were sentenced
on 24 March 1998 to 13 months' imprisonment and a US $160 fine.
I was sentenced in absentia to the same penalty. As a result, the
French authorities recently granted me political asylum.
However, a vast international campaign, including a firm resolution
by the European Parliament, forced Mauritania's head of state to
grant us a "pardon", on the day the sentence was confirmed. Among
the accused was a well-known figure at the UN: Mr Cheikh Saad Bouh
Kamara, President of the Association Mauritanienne des Droits
de l'Homme (AMDH), Mauritanian Association for Human Rights,
and one of the five trustees of the United Nations Voluntary Fund
on Contemporary Forms of Slavery.
Is it worth mentioning that the charge against us was "tarnishing
the country's reputation"! This bizarre accusation was replaced
in the end with that of "membership of illegal organisations". This
charge has been levelled against the 12 national non-governmental
organisations whose action on human rights is independent from the
current Government's control. Whenever these NGOs mention slavery-related
issues, they suffer intimidation at the hands of the political police.
The government refuses to recognise them, in breach of the right
to freedom of association enshrined in the Mauritanian Constitution.
SOS-Esclaves and the AMDH applied to be legalised several years
ago. They even obtained observer status at the African Commission
on Human and Peoples' Rights. At every opportunity, we and the other
banned NGOs question the Mauritanian Government about new cases
of slavery, improper solicitation of legacies by former slave owners
and the tacit condonement of such practices by the country's courts.
As you will see in SOS-Esclaves' annual report for 1997-1998, our
questions receive no response from the Mauritanian authorities.
As the following examples confirm, the government does not have
a pro-slavery policy, but its silence and inaction on this issue
allow centuries-old caste servitude to continue with impunity.
1. Traffic in children
On 26 December 1997, the authorities of the neighbouring Republic
of Mali repatriated ten individuals to Mauritania ‹all boys aged
between four and six years. This consignment, already paid for by
the buyer, was destined for the United Arab Emirates, where the
boys were to serve as camel jockeys. Unfortunately, this was not
an isolated incident: similar cases have been reported to us since
our association was formed in 1995 and frequently appear in the
local press.
Once again, the Mauritanian Government did no more than return the
children to their families. The case was closed and no legal action
was taken: neither the traffickers nor their numerous accomplices
within the administration were punished. I draw your attention to
the fact that the children travelled on passports issued by the
Mauritanian Ministry of the Interior and validated by the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs. We would like to express our concern today at
the behaviour of a government that allows such practices, all the
while denying the existence of slavery within its borders.
2. Sales of slaves
This example is even more serious than the previous one. Again in
December 1997, a sale of 40 slaves, mostly women and children, took
place in the presence of witnesses and before a traditional judge
acting on an erroneous interpretation of Islam. By a fortunate coincidence,
the new owner freed the slaves immediately in an act of religious
fervour. Our association has identified the place of transaction
as Timizine, in the département of Kobony in the region of Hodh
El Gharby on the border with Mali. Despite our protests, the Mauritanian
administration, duly informed of this case, did not undertake any
inquiry nor any dissuasive or legal action against the instigators.
Sales of slaves in Mauritania occur approximately once a year, but
victims are often pressured by the police to remain silent.
In passing, I would like to add that some families, including my
own, still consider themselves as the owners of hundreds of slaves,
born to do their masters' bidding. The slaves never even think of
leaving their masters because, in return, they see only the freedom
to die of hunger.
Mr Chairman,
Our association's work, which sometimes has to be clandestine, is
limited to recording cases. No other action is open to us. We cannot
initiate civil cases on behalf of the victims nor lodge claims on
their behalf with the public prosecutor and we have great difficulty
encouraging slaves to lodge complaints. This is largely because,
despite the last formal abolition of slavery in 1981, Mauritanian
law does not define slavery as a crime and does not stipulate any
specific penalty.
The 1981 law abolishing slavery still has not been supplemented
by an enabling decree. The inequality before the law concerning
inheritances as far as slaves and former slaves are concerned and
the social discrimination caused by slavery and its pervasive after-effects
are commonplace in Mauritania. However, the demographic weight of
the problem cannot continue to be ignored. The victims of caste
servitude, whether currently slaves or freed slaves, represent a
near majority of the population and are becoming increasingly attracted
by the politicisation of their fight for equality. Their condition,
characterised by a precarious material situation, being treated
with contempt by those in authority, illiteracy, lack of health
care and infringements of the labour code, does not leave them any
other options. The situation is a powder keg waiting to explode
and the irresponsible attitude of the Mauritanian Government, which
continues to tolerate slavery and refuses to launch a public campaign
against it, fuels the risks of internal strife in the country. I
call on the Sub-Commission to view this problem from now on from
the angle of prevention of conflicts.
Ladies and Gentlemen, and Mr Chairman,
You are used to hearing the pleas of minorities. Instead, I have
attempted today to describe to you the oppression affecting a majority
of my fellow citizens. I would be very pleased to hear the official
government of my country present to you its comments on the serious
abuses that I have just pointed out.
Thank you for your attention. I implore you to act before it is
too late.
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